A
Piercing Look at Maya Bloodletting Rituals
by: M. Badinelli
© M. Badinelli, 2003,
All
Rights Reserved
Abstract:
This paper examines one possible view of
ancient Maya bloodletting rituals. It
proposes that these rituals, which are mostly analyzed for their
religious
symbolism, may have actually been important political tools. The rulers could have manipulated the
circumstances surrounding the performance of these rituals to play up
the
painful elements. At the same time,
they convinced the community of the necessity of these rituals and of
the
crucial involvement of royal blood.
Several possible methods and techniques of how they could
accomplish
this are explored.
The
Maya, ancient inhabitants of the Yucatan, are well known for their
elaborate
religious ceremonies. Because religion
played such a large role in Maya existence, it is extremely hard to
discern the
line between religion and politics.
Some of the rituals that appear to have a solid religious
backing may
have also been used politically. In
bloodletting ceremonies, the king, his wives, or other members of the
royal
lineage would cut or pierce themselves to produce blood for an offering. The rituals are often portrayed as
excruciatingly painful and agonizing, with the self-sacrificing elite
performers enduring it all for the good of the group (Vale 1989). I propose, however, that
the bloodletting rituals of the ancient
Maya were a major political tool utilized by the Mayan ruling lineages. I believe that many of the rulers may have
dramatized this ritual, using it to intimidate their subjects and
convince them
of the necessity of royal, divine blood to communicate with the gods. Performing these rituals would, in turn,
maintain order in the universe.
The
ideas I propose in this paper are not meant to be taken as absolutes. There are many facets to the ancient Maya
and their way of life that remain undiscovered and unexplained. All I attempt to do is show what may be one
of many possible interpretations of their bloodletting rituals. Many of the claims made, particularly what
could have possibly gone on during the ceremony itself, do not have
formal
references. The reason for this is the
information has come to me from many experiences I have had, both
personally
with body modification and professionally as a body piercer for three
years. Again, my analysis is not meant
to be authoritative or definitive; it is just to offer a perspective on
these
rituals that has, perhaps, never been explored.
Bloodletting
permeated Maya life. Kings would
perform bloodletting rites for every stage in life, every important
political
or religious event, and significant calendar period endings (Schele
1986). For the ancient Maya, beginnings
and endings
were an occasion for pageant and ceremony (Freidel 1993). The king
would often
be joined by his wife or other members of the nobility in the rituals. A religious story provides the base for the
bloodletting ceremony and can be found in the creation stories of the Popol Vuh. This is a series
of creation myths gathered together and written
down based on various scenes portrayed on ceramic vessels (Weaver
1993). The
gods who created mankind wanted man to recognize them, worship them,
and
provide them with sustenance. The Maya
believed that this sustenance came in the form of blood (Schele 1986).
The
most sacred blood is said to come from the ear, tongue, and foreskin. By cutting their ears, the Maya were
“opening” them to hear the gods’ oracles and revelations.
In cutting the tongue, it is said that they
could speak what they had heard. When
the foreskin was cut, it was to participate in the divine procreation
of the
cosmos (Gillette 1997).
The
Maya used offering plates during blood rituals to represent miniature
versions
of the universe, earth, and sky. By
ejaculating their bloody semen into the potential world, the creators
are
impregnating it with the divine “soul-stuff” that will quicken it to
life
(Gillette 1997: 52).
In
the “Scattering” rite, blood would be drawn from the hands and
sprinkled into
the offering plates, symbolizing the earth, and imitating the planting
of maize
kernels (Gillette 1997: 51). For other rites, blood from the
self-inflicted
wounds was caught on strips of paper, which were then burned. Performing this ritual was supposed to call
forth ancestors’ spirits, with the spirits taking the appearance of a
vision
serpent (Gillette 1997). The serpent was a direct way for the Maya to
communicate with the gods. It acted as
a link, or portal (Freidel 1993), between the supernatural and human
worlds
(Schele 1986).
Something
else a bloodletting ritual could symbolize was the king becoming “the
mother of
the gods.” With this ritual, the king
gives birth to the gods and nourishes them with his blood (Schele 1986). By doing this, the Maya nobility would enter
into a creative partnership with the lords of life in their continuing
recreation and resurrection of the universe (Gillette 1997). The role
created
here made their performing of blood rituals seem essential to the
continuation
of Maya life.
Elite
women also played a central role in bloodletting events (Freidel 1993).
Women
would often let blood before their husbands went into battle. In addition, women would participate in
bloodletting rites associated with a king’s accession.
They would do this to communicate, through a
vision, with a warrior god who regularly took the form of an ancestor
(Schele
1986).
The
ceremonies were often held at nighttime with torches and a great
display was
made. People would gather in a big
public plaza to observe the king and other participants on top of the
great
temples. There were elaborately
costumed dancers, musicians, and warriors.
The bloodletting implements were specially carved, usually a
stingray
spine or a blade of flint or obsidian, and adorned with bright feathers
(Schele
1986). These tools were important for
ostentatious display and propaganda (Weaver 1993). For a blood offering
from
the tongue, they would pierce it, or cut it with an obsidian blade, and
draw
heavy hemp cords through it (Gillette 1997).
One
of the ways to tell that the bloodletting ritual played a major role in
Maya
life was because of how publicly displayed it was.
There is a very intensive archaeological and artistic record of
bloodletting ceremonies (Schele 1986).
The images and words that were associated with the ritual in
Maya
Classic-period art shows the ceremony’s profound importance. Portrayals of bloodletting are found on
carved pieces, like stelaes. Pictures
dealing with the rituals can be found painted on ceramic vessels or in
elaborate
wall murals (Freidel 1993). Also, most other images that were carved
and
painted were politically oriented, such as victories in battle or
depictions of
the kings themselves. Depictions of the
various scenes of bloodletting show who enacted a specific rite at a
certain
time or place. The ruling power did not
want the public to forget the important responsibility shouldered by
the kings
who undertook these rituals for their collective benefit.
One carving, the Hauberg Stele, demonstrates
the dual purpose of writing joined with imagery in public propaganda
(Schele
1986). It is probably not a coincidence
that the Maya decided to depict some of the most graphic parts of the
ceremony
in their carvings and paintings.
In
addition, portrayals of the resulting visions always seem to deal with
politically oriented concepts, such as a connection to a past ruler. It is important to remember when looking at
the carvings and paintings of the vision serpents that these were not
exact
photographic images of what was actually being seen by the ritual
bloodletters. There is no evidence that
the artists who carved or painted these images were the participants
themselves, so they could only recreate the picture that was described
to
them. The resulting visions that are
shown throughout the Maya region are fairly similar.
It might be possible a vision did not even occur, but may have
been put into the imagery anyway to show a connection to certain
ancestors.
There
is probably a great variation on exactly how bloodletting was employed
from
ruler to ruler and city to city. One
good example of a bloodletting ceremony that appears to serve more then
just a
religious purpose is found on lintels from the site of Yaxchilan. At Yaxchilan, the need to strengthen support
for and legitimize the king’s heir, Bird Jaguar, was great. The king had a son born to him that he
wanted to see succeed him.
Unfortunately, this son came from his second wife.
That in itself somewhat hurt the claim this
son would have the throne, but it was further complicated by the fact
his first
wife was a true member of the Yaxchilan bloodline and the real mother
was an
outsider. This could have meant that
the king wanted a greater and more graphic record made by his first
wife, who
was not the heir’s biological mother.
This may be why she seemed to have to endure more then just the
plain
cord through the tongue, a common occurrence in bloodletting depictions. The cord she used is shown as having thorns
attached to it. In the next generation
at Yaxchilan, the ceremony is performed similarly, however without the
spikes. In this portrayal we also see
one of the king’s secondary wives engaged in bloodletting from the
tongue as
she, along with her husband, celebrate the birth of a son she is not
the biological
mother of (Schele 1986). There are
several reasons, I believe, for the absence of the thorns.
Although she is not the birth mother, she is
not a member, except through marriage, to Yaxchilan’s ruling dynasty. Also, she is not the king’s first wife. Making a more graphic display here would not
be any added respect or recognition for the child, this wife being a
much more
minor political player.
It
is impossible to truly know what went on inside the average Mayan’s
head as
they viewed these rituals. However, we
are all human and being so, we both can be affected by visible, graphic
displays of apparent pain taking place on an individual’s body. A woman does not need to speak the same
language or come from the same culture to understand that when she sees
another
woman in labor, there is a great deal of pain involved.
It is this language of pain that can make us
flinch when we see someone hit his or her finger with a hammer. Even though we live in a completely
different culture, it does not take a great deal of imagination to
think that
the graphic images the Mayan citizens viewed spoke to them through this
universal language.
The
three main body parts used, ears, tongue, and foreskin, are all areas
with
visible blood vessels. This means
bleeding can be produced with only superficial cuts.
Having more blood vessels in an area also means an increased
blood flow, which makes for a faster healing rate. When cutting or
piercing the
tongue, blood will mix with saliva making the scene appear even more
bloody. Although trauma to the various
areas of the
body that were used, particularly to the tongue and foreskin, seem to
be
incredibly painful, in actuality, it can be close to painless.
There
are ample reasons to believe that the actual bloodletting procedure
itself was
not nearly as painful as most people would have been told or believed. Being female, I can not directly offer
testimony to the pain level involved in cutting the foreskin. However, having my own tongue and ears
pierced several times, I can state confidently that these procedures
are much
more painful to watch then to experience.
It is evident by the growing popularity of tongue, ear, and
other body
piercings, including genital ones, that many others are not greatly
affected by
the pain. When I pierced
professionally, clients repeatedly said to me after a piercing, that
the pain
involved with piercing their tongue was much less then they ever
thought it
would be. Often if there were friends
or others observing the procedure, they do not believe the claims of
the person
being pierced.
It
could be the Maya did not even pierce their tongues at all. Sahdus, holy men of India, often used fake
rubber tongues through which they would run skewers (Rose 1999). There
is ample
evidence that the Maya made use of natural rubber for other things and
that
rubber may even have been used during the ceremony.
It has been found in association with the large offering plates
that held the bloody strips for burning (Schele 1986).
Gum secretions, which is where rubber comes
from, were also regarded as suitable additions or substitutes for blood
sacrifices (Freidel 1993).
Much
of a ruler’s power depended on himself, his personality, charisma, and
power of
persuasion (Weaver 1993). Any pain felt could easily be over dramatized
by the
participants. There is no mention of
these practices by the lower classes, so they might have no real idea
of what
it really felt like. It is important to
remember, “A Maya king was an ‘absolute’ monarch only as long as his
personal
abilities and performances were convincing, for he had no other power”
(Weaver
1993: 483). It probably appeared as though the elite were truly taking
the
responsibility of having to go to horrible extremes for the benefit of
their
subjects and their collective fates.
Once a king was on the throne, power was maintained and
reinforced
through public displays like bloodletting.
Even though the Maya lived many years ago and used mostly stone
tools,
they did not lack instruments to
properly cut and pierce. The obsidian
blades that were used can be ten times sharper then surgical scalpels. This makes the cutting skin much easier,
thereby reducing the pain and also helping to reduce scarring (Haviland
2000).
In
addition, there have been many “tricks” picked up over the years by
people of
different cultures who have engaged in practices that involve skin
puncturing
and laceration. While they probably do
not remove all the pain from such procedures, they can certainly
alleviate some
of the suffering.
Regular
practitioners of such activities can develop “sweet spots” in areas
that are
cut and pierced repeatedly. This means
they can eliminate the original discomfort associated with the act
(Rose 1999:
20). Also, the Maya may have used “pressure anesthesia” as a way to
help numb
areas. To do this, a firm pressure is
applied to the intended area of trauma and makes it so that only a
sharp sting
need be felt. This technique is often
used by dentists before injecting Novocaine into the gums (Rose 1999).
It
is also commonly known that the Mayans participating in the ritual
would
prepare in advance by taking some type of a hallucinogenic drug such as
balche
(a beer), peyote, toxic mushrooms, or morning-glory seeds (Vale 1989).
These
could certainly reduce both pain and apprehension that a perspective
bloodletter would have experienced. It
also could have contributed greatly to any visions, if any, that may
have come
about.
There
is also evidence that the Maya had very good control over the
bloodletting. A seventeenth century
Spanish priest, Diego de Landa, describes one ceremony he observed
where the
foreskin was cut with no bleeding and no response of pain from
individual
(Schele 1986). This same reaction is
noted, unrelated to the Maya, when one slowly removes needles from the
skin,
which causes the blood not to flow (Rose 1999).
In
conclusion, I find that the bloodletting rituals of the ancient Maya
elite
served not only religious purposes, but political ones as well. The pageantry that was put into the ceremony
itself must have been very dramatic and impressive to the public
audience that
viewed it. With these rituals, the
kings and nobility could claim a link to both ancestors and the
supernatural
world. They could make it appear as
though they were torturing themselves for the benefit of the whole
group. Because of the important functions
they
served, bloodletting rituals helped solidify a ruler’s place of power. By portraying these rituals as essential to
the community’s existence, the king helped secure a place for him and
his
family at the top of Maya society.
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Schele and Joy Parker
1993
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Ellen
Miller
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